Reitter’s insistence that Capital is not principally a text about the “autonomous” subject of capital, but the specific social relations that underlie capitalism and their constitutive struggles, provides an important challenge. Class struggle, in this reading, is not simply additive to theories of value or crisis; it indicates the historical movement which opens up to the possibility of liberation, a movement which is irreducible to any determinism.
As neoliberal gentrification accelerates to outrageous levels, we focus on three epicenters of housing struggles to share emerging and long-term strategies of resistance. In doing so, we intend to amplify a national conversation about how to combat the displacement, inequality, and violence that constitute gentrification.
I think many of us understand intuitively – even if our analytical frames lag behind – that capitalism is more than an “economic” system, and even more than a social system. Capitalism is a way of organizing nature.
The MIR was born on August 15, 1965, out of the confluence of several small currents of the critical left that at that time opposed parliamentarianism and the legalism of the majority of the left and aspired to construct a Marxist revolutionary organization, rupturing with electoral strategies and the state.
Revolutionary Union members weren’t going off to do some exciting actions and waiting for the rest of the world to rise up. This is heavy stuff. These young people basically said “I’m going to dedicate my life to making a revolution in the United States.”
The analysis of James’s thought elaborated here is only a preliminary to what we have called a counter-genealogy of race. Tracing this genealogy could assist us in overcoming the aporias that stall contemporary debates around race, and requires suspending any pre-given conception of the concept in order to shed light on the heterogeneous, and sometimes contradictory, historical instances of a counter-concept of race within struggles against racial oppression.
Underlying those points – which we might call tactical points about the usage of cybernetic technologies by revolutionary movements – is another larger, more strategic point: the changes in class composition which have been effected by capital in terms of its restructuring of the global workforce using automata and networks and, in the financial system, networks of automata.
The widening gap between global public opinion and the ineffectuality of the international state system in the face of the ever-worsening conditions of Palestinian lives obliges global solidarity activists to deepen our understanding of the conflict, reconsider the possibilities for its resolution, and reflect on our strategies.
Outbursts of organized racism were thought to be yet another difficult chapter in Germany’s history, but now firmly in the past. Yet the attack in Heidenau was not an anomaly, but the latest in a series of nationalist and racist actions which has been intensifying in recent years.
In one sense the history of the NCM can be summed up as “a moment of sectarianism and dogmatism.” In another sense, however, the NCM was more than the sum total of its sectarian and dogmatic errors. It attempted to keep alive the remnants of the mass movements of the 1960s, it organized workers, built left caucuses in unions, mobilized struggles around fundamental issues of racism, women’s rights, immigrant rights, and built movements in solidarity with liberation struggles around the world.