ISSUE 6:

IMPERIALISM

 

 

INTRODUCTION

Internationalism against Imperialism | Viewpoint Magazine

If impe­ri­al­ism today is irre­ducible to any sin­gle phe­nom­e­non, then this is because it appears at once both ubiq­ui­tous and dis­persed. How then to account today for the his­to­ry that has ampli­fied impe­ri­al­ism while mak­ing it all the more dif­fi­cult to define?

STRATEGIES AND SOLIDARITIES

The Radical Anti-imperialist Consciousness of Bolivian Tin Miners in the Early 20th-Century | Guillermo Delgado-P.

With the ascen­dance of Evo Morales to the pres­i­den­cy of Bolivia, the gov­ern­ment dis­in­terred “anti-impe­ri­al­ist” sen­ti­ments to chal­lenge the over­bear­ing influ­ence of the Unit­ed States on Boli­vian pol­i­tics. This renewed anti-impe­ri­al­ist dis­course draws from lay­ers of local­ized his­to­ry accret­ed dur­ing Bolivia’s long sta­tus as a periph­er­al coun­try entan­gled in the work­ings of the world sys­tem. My inten­tion here is not to focus on the re-emer­gence of this pol­i­tics today, but to re-assess the ori­gins and con­di­tions of anti-impe­ri­al­ist con­scious­ness among work­ers the 20th-cen­tu­ry Boli­vian Andes.

Strategies of Imperialism and Opposition in Cuba: Reflections on the Purity of Anti-Imperialism | Katherine A. Gordy

While much of the work on impe­ri­al­ism has focused on dis­tin­guish­ing between dif­fer­ent types of impe­ri­al­ism over time or between empire and impe­ri­al­ism, putting aside these con­sid­er­a­tions and focus­ing on var­i­ous cas­es in Cuban his­to­ry allows us to see cer­tain slip­pages between the cat­e­gories of impe­ri­al­ism, empire, and anti-impe­ri­al­ism. This his­to­ry illus­trates the com­plex work­ings of impe­ri­al­ism, which exer­cis­es direct con­trol over a country’s eco­nom­ic, social and polit­i­cal spheres, but also over its ide­olo­gies, laws and domes­tic strug­gles, and often in the con­text of mul­ti­ple impe­ri­alisms.

The New Left and the Army: Let’s Bridge the Gap! (1968) | The Movement, Vietnam GI, and Derek Seidman

Dur­ing the U.S. war on Viet­nam, an extra­or­di­nary phe­nom­e­non arose with­in the military’s ranks: the wide­spread pro­duc­tion, cir­cu­la­tion, and read­er­ship of an under­ground anti­war press for, and often by, rank-and-file GIs.

Transnational Solidarity on the Gay and Lesbian Left: An Interview With Emily Hobson | Emily Hobson and Aaron Lecklider

What I focus on is how queer rad­i­cals didn’t just work to win accep­tance, but actu­al­ly changed the mean­ings of anti-cap­i­tal­ist and anti-impe­ri­al­ist strug­gle to incor­po­rate sex­u­al lib­er­a­tion – pre­cise­ly because cap­i­tal­ism and colo­nial­ism depend on rigid sex­u­al reg­u­la­tion.

From Charonne to Vitry (1981) | Étienne Balibar

But let’s return again to Charonne. I find it very reveal­ing of the Party’s atti­tude which, both today and yes­ter­day, glo­ri­fies the fall­en com­rades but nev­er recalls why the demon­stra­tion was held in the first place. One hears only of an abstract and myth­ic anti­colo­nial strug­gle. Many of us can bear wit­ness with lucid mem­o­ries: if there was a Feb­ru­ary 8, 1962 and before it a Decem­ber 19, 1961, these unit­ed demon­stra­tions in which everyone’s divi­sions and sec­tar­i­anisms were put aside, it is only because the ter­ri­ble event of Octo­ber 17, 1961 hap­pened, of which the Par­ty nev­er speaks, nor any­one else for that mat­ter.

Thomas Sankara and the Revolutionary Birth of Burkina Faso | Mamadou Diallo

The Sankarist Rev­o­lu­tion was the peak of a series of revolts, the break­down of an inept cycle, and the begin­ning of a his­tor­i­cal sequence that would see Upper Vol­ta become Burk­i­na Faso and, to deal with its crit­i­cal sit­u­a­tion, “dare to invent the future.”

A United Front Against Debt (1987) | Thomas Sankara

Debt is neo-colo­nial­ism, in which col­o­niz­ers have trans­formed them­selves into “tech­ni­cal assis­tants.” We should rather say “tech­ni­cal assas­sins.”

From Nuestra América to Abya Yala: Notes on Imperialism and Anti-imperialism in Latin America across Centuries | Jeffery R. Webber

For the indige­nous pop­u­la­tion of the Amer­i­c­as, 1492 sig­ni­fies the clo­sure of self-deter­mined his­to­ry and the begin­ning of near demo­graph­ic anni­hi­la­tion. From the van­tage point of Span­ish and Por­tuguese rulers, the same moment sig­nals the ascent of far-reach­ing feu­dal empires and the con­comi­tant rewards of extra­or­di­nary geo­graph­ic pre­pon­der­ance.

THEORETICAL ENCOUNTERS

Hour of the Furnaces: Imperial Finance and the Colonization of Daily Life | Morgan Adamson

The state of bank­rupt­cy under impe­r­i­al rule inter­ro­gat­ed by Hora de los hornos allows us to con­sid­er what Randy Mar­tin diag­nosed as the “finan­cial­iza­tion of dai­ly life” togeth­er with what the Sit­u­a­tion­ists called the “col­o­niza­tion of every­day life” with­in cap­i­tal­ism, while sur­pass­ing each of these the­ses by insist­ing that quo­tid­i­an vio­lence is insep­a­ra­ble from impe­ri­al­ism as a his­tor­i­cal and cul­tur­al process.

Surplus Alongside Excess: Uno Kōzō, Imperialism, and the Theory of Crisis | Gavin Walker and Ken Kawashima

Uno Kōzō’s The­o­ry of Cri­sis pro­vides us with not only a way to think about Marx’s Cap­i­tal as a the­o­ret­i­cal struc­ture, but also the con­di­tions of pos­si­bil­i­ty for a renew­al of pol­i­tics in the face of our cur­rent sit­u­a­tion. Para­dox­i­cal­ly, the the­o­ret­i­cal eter­nal­i­ty of the laws and norms con­sti­tut­ing cap­i­tal­ist soci­ety is pre­cise­ly what allows us to grasp the his­toric­i­ty and fini­tude of the cap­i­tal­ist mode of pro­duc­tion itself. And while the neces­si­ty of cri­sis does not sim­ply lead to the neces­si­ty of col­lapse of the sys­tem, it does allow us to think oth­er­wise about the neces­si­ty of cap­i­tal­ism itself.

Frantz Fanon and the Problems of Independence (1963) | Nguyen Nghe

Much of The Wretched of the Earth, if not all of it, had been thrown onto paper as a rough draft. Cer­tain­ly, if the author were still alive, the end of the Alger­ian War, as well as the events that fol­lowed the armistice, would have allowed him to cor­rect some of the ideas and com­plete some of the book’s more affir­ma­tive argu­ments. Unfor­tu­nate­ly, Fanon has left us, but the book remains. The respect he is due can­not excuse us from crit­i­ciz­ing the the­ses advanced in his work with­out ask­ing: if Frantz Fanon were still alive, what would he teach us in light of the Alger­ian expe­ri­ence?

The Name of Algeria: French Philosophy and the Subject of Decolonization | Alberto Toscano

A hypo­thet­i­cal “Alger­ian his­to­ry of French phi­los­o­phy” elic­its a var­ie­gat­ed but in many ways opaque pic­ture. Arguably, it is only the gen­er­a­tion that came of polit­i­cal age in the late 1950s and ear­ly 1960s – the gen­er­a­tion of Bal­ibar and Ran­cière – that, with con­sid­er­able delay, incor­po­rat­ed the ques­tions raised by the decol­o­niza­tion of France and Alge­ria into their think­ing, but when they did so it was not in terms of the prob­lem­at­ic of rev­o­lu­tion­ary anti-colo­nial vio­lence, but in terms of the antin­o­mies of cit­i­zen­ship.

Selections from Theoretical Preliminaries to the Study of the Impact of Social Thought on the National Liberation Movement (1973) | Mahdi Amel and Brahim El Guabli

I have defined the colo­nial mode of pro­duc­tion as a his­tor­i­cal form that is dis­tinct from the cap­i­tal­ist mode of pro­duc­tion. It is specif­i­cal­ly the form of cap­i­tal­ism that is con­nect­ed in struc­tur­al depen­den­cy with impe­ri­al­ism in its his­tor­i­cal for­ma­tion and cur­rent devel­op­ment.

Old and New Questions in the Theory of Imperialism (1975) | Luciano Ferrari Bravo

The renew­al of Lenin­ism gen­er­al­ly ends up being per­formed mech­a­nis­ti­cal­ly, and this proves more and more to be a fruit­less oper­a­tion. Instead it is a mat­ter of return­ing to Lenin by way of Marx. Today, renew­ing Lenin­ist analy­sis in the polit­i­cal sense requires us to find in Marx, in his method before even in the con­tents of his dis­course, the cor­rect way of pos­ing the ques­tion: what deter­mines cap­i­tal – as a polit­i­cal-mate­r­i­al rela­tion, as a rela­tion of force – in its con­fig­u­ra­tion and its inter­na­tion­al dynam­ics?

Problems of Dependent Determination and Primordial Form (1982) | René Zavaleta Mercado

In this work we want to con­sid­er the ques­tion of the con­struc­tion of pol­i­tics in rela­tion to the ten­sion between author­i­tar­i­an forms and demo­c­ra­t­ic move­ments, con­sid­ered in their points of ori­gin. Accord­ing to a cer­tain Latin Amer­i­can irre­den­tism, there are no nation­al his­to­ries. What would usu­al­ly be cat­e­go­rized as such are only reper­cus­sions in this ter­ri­to­ry of the his­to­ry of the core coun­tries. Depen­den­cy would per­ma­nent­ly beget depen­den­cy. What is impor­tant is to define, how­ev­er, is the degree of self-deter­mi­na­tion that a nation­al his­to­ry can have, the con­di­tions in which a self-deter­min­ing process is pro­duced.

CONCEPTUALIZING IMPERIALISM TODAY

The Specificity of Imperialism | Salar Mohandesi

A strong social­ist move­ment in this coun­try is impos­si­ble with­out a firm and unwa­ver­ing com­mit­ment to over­throw­ing impe­ri­al­ism in all its forms. To do that, how­ev­er, we need a clear­er idea of exact­ly what we are up against.

The Futures Past of Internationalism: A Conversation with Benita Parry | Benita Parry

As I see it, the recent devel­op­ments which might pose a chal­lenge to how we under­stand cur­rent impe­ri­al­ism, are pre­cise­ly those that define its con­tem­po­rary exis­tence as a world order struc­tured by the sys­tem­at­ic exploita­tion of incip­i­ent­ly-cap­i­tal­ist economies by the core cap­i­tal­ist states.

European Union as Class Project and Imperialist Strategy | Spyros Sakellaropoulos and Panagiotis Sotiris

Euro­pean Inte­gra­tion is a process tra­versed by class antag­o­nisms, and par­tic­u­lar class rela­tions of force can explain both its his­to­ry and its par­tic­u­lar insti­tu­tion­al con­fig­u­ra­tion. Yet its par­tic­u­lar eco­nom­ic, insti­tu­tion­al, and mon­e­tary archi­tec­tures rep­re­sent mate­r­i­al obsta­cles to the actu­al coor­di­na­tion of the strug­gles of the sub­al­tern class­es all over Europe, strug­gles that are nec­es­sar­i­ly uneven because of the dif­fer­ent tem­po­ral­i­ties of social antag­o­nism in dif­fer­ent social for­ma­tions. This what makes a strat­e­gy of rup­ture and exit the nec­es­sary con­di­tion for social change but also for the pos­si­bil­i­ty of cre­at­ing new forms of coor­di­na­tion and coop­er­a­tion between move­ments.

Possessive Nationalism: Race, Class, and the Lifeworlds of Property | Brenna Bhandar

The cur­rent polit­i­cal moment, when grasped through the prop­er­ty log­ics dis­cussed above, requires us to con­sid­er how ide­olo­gies of own­er­ship, includ­ing expec­ta­tions to secure priv­i­leges and enti­tle­ments are enwrapped with­in xeno­pho­bic, racist, and gen­dered dis­cours­es of sov­er­eign­ty and nation­al­ism. Nation­al brands derive their pow­er from a prop­er­tied life­world in which indi­vid­u­als and com­mu­ni­ties make emo­tion­al invest­ments in the fan­tasies of a return to a more sim­ple, secure time of plen­i­tude.

How Empire Operates: An Interview with Laleh Khalili | Laleh Khalili

Impe­ri­al­ism as a dis­posi­tif includes many ele­ments. But in the last instance, the Unit­ed States has nev­er been hes­i­tant about the use of force where it has seen its broad­er inter­ests – and the inter­ests of cap­i­tal – endan­gered.

Notes on Libya | Max Ajl

The point is not to debate whether or not Libya was a social­ist state. Much more inter­est­ing is under­stand­ing what were its strengths and what were its weak­ness­es.

Decolonizing Tunisia’s Border Violence: Moving Beyond Imperial Structures and Imaginaries | Corinna Mullin and Brahim Rouabah

What if rather than start­ing from Tunisia’s “bor­der prob­lem,” analy­sis instead start­ed from prob­lema­tiz­ing the very con­cern with “bor­der vio­lence” itself? How can a longue durée approach to Tunisia’s bor­ders help us under­stand not only the nature but also the kinds of work Tunisia’s bor­ders do in terms of pro­duc­ing cer­tain polit­i­cal and socio-eco­nom­ic real­i­ties?

The Enemy at Home: U.S. Imperialism in Syria |  Patrick Higgins

We can­not mean­ing­ful­ly oppose U.S. impe­ri­al­ism any­where if we com­pro­mise or make the slight­est peace with it in Syr­ia. How does the destruc­tion in Syr­ia fit into broad­er his­tor­i­cal pat­terns? How do we sit­u­ate the war on Syr­ia into the his­to­ries of U.S. impe­ri­al­ism, the Arab world (includ­ing Pales­tine), and the rela­tion­ship between the two? It is only by posit­ing those ques­tions that we can devel­op the the­o­ret­i­cal ground­ing nec­es­sary to build the move­ments and estab­lish the alliances required to defeat the U.S. war machine in Syr­ia and else­where.

The New Debt Colonies | Jerome Roos

In the wake of the glob­al finan­cial cri­sis, meth­ods of finan­cial sub­ju­ga­tion have been applied on a mas­sive scale in the cap­i­tal­ist heart­land itself. The result has not just been a new wave of “accu­mu­la­tion by dis­pos­ses­sion,” but in some cas­es also the effec­tive abo­li­tion of nation­al sov­er­eign­ty.

Development Under the Threat of War in the Arab World | Ali Kadri

We must under­stand this cri­sis as an out­come of the ways this region is woven into the glob­al econ­o­my. The oil and war economies, the destruc­tion and waste side of cap­i­tal accu­mu­la­tion, are the main chan­nels by which the region is artic­u­lat­ed with the glob­al mar­ket. Waste and mil­i­tarism are prin­ci­pal ele­ments in an accu­mu­la­tion regime that pro­duces val­ue by con­sum­ing not only the val­ue of labor-pow­er, but also the val­ue inher­ent in human lives.

ARTICULATION AND MODES OF PRODUCTION

Deportation as Outsourcing in El Salvador’s Call Center Industry | Hilary Goodfriend

In this cycle of migra­tion, depor­ta­tion, and out­sourc­ing, then, the enter­prise of depor­ta­tion takes on a more sin­is­ter tone, as open coer­cion is com­bined with pre­car­i­ous forms of wage labor. It offers a sin­gu­lar exam­ple of the cyn­i­cal and cru­el effi­cien­cy of glob­al neolib­er­al cap­i­tal­ism. The rise of the call cen­ter indus­try in coun­tries like Mex­i­co, Hon­duras, Guatemala, and El Sal­vador sig­nals the reimag­in­ing of mass depor­ta­tion as out­sourc­ing, in which not only are jobs off­shored, but so are the work­ers that fill them, whose years of liv­ing and work­ing in the Unit­ed States have made them unique­ly qual­i­fied for the work.

Forms of Unfree Labor: Primitive Accumulation, Prehistory, or History of Capitalism? | Yann Moulier Boutang

We pro­pose to show two things: on the one hand, it shall be argued that so-called “prim­i­tive” accu­mu­la­tion of cap­i­tal takes place in a con­tin­u­ous, or ongo­ing man­ner; on the oth­er hand, in order to accu­rate­ly iden­ti­fy the con­tem­po­rary role of forms of unfree labor, it is nec­es­sary to take the same approach as found in my pre­vi­ous work on the con­sti­tu­tion of his­tor­i­cal wage-labor.

Rules for Destroying Countries: China and the Colonial World in the Early 20th Century | Rebecca E. Karl

At the same time that J. A. Hob­son was writ­ing Impe­ri­al­ism: A Study (1902), Liang Qichao, a major turn-of-the-cen­tu­ry Chi­nese intel­lec­tu­al and jour­nal­ist, wrote a mag­is­te­r­i­al essay on what he called “the new rules for destroy­ing coun­tries” [mieguo xin­fa]. As Liang makes clear, con­cep­tu­al­iz­ing mod­ern Chi­nese his­to­ry as dialec­ti­cal­ly part of mod­ern glob­al his­to­ry not only helps gen­er­ate new ques­tions of and in the­o­ries of impe­ri­al­ism and moder­ni­ty, it also helps gen­er­ate new ques­tions about Chi­nese his­to­ry and the his­to­ry of glob­al rev­o­lu­tions.

The Postcolonial and the Politics of the Outside: Return(s) of the National Question in Marxist Theory | Gavin Walker

Today, the field of inquiry called “post­colo­nial stud­ies” appears to be in a cri­sis of self-legit­i­ma­tion. This cri­sis con­cerns not the “suc­cess” of post­colo­nial stud­ies as a dis­ci­pli­nary for­ma­tion in the pro­duc­tion of knowl­edge, but rather the foun­da­tion­al assump­tions and polit­i­cal direc­tions implied by the emer­gence of this dis­ci­pli­nary for­ma­tion.

The Normal and Exceptional Forms of Enclosure in Okinawa: Going Beyond the So-Called Base Problem | Wendy Matsumura

The U.S. mil­i­tary in post-WWII Oki­nawa was not only inter­est­ed in expro­pri­at­ing pub­lic and pri­vate lands in order to trans­form Oki­nawa into its key­stone of the Pacif­ic. It was also inter­est­ed in allow­ing base enclo­sures to per­form the con­stant ide­o­log­i­cal work of nor­mal­iz­ing cap­i­tal­ist social rela­tions in the islands. In oth­er words, there was an artic­u­la­tion that com­pli­cates our under­stand­ing of how impe­ri­al­ist pow­er oper­ates; an artic­u­la­tion between mil­i­tary force and the restruc­tur­ing of social life on a broad scale, name­ly through the redraw­ing of prop­er­ty rela­tions.

IMPERIALISM AND THE COMINTERN

The Communist International and Imperialism | Ian Birchall

The new Sovi­et state need­ed allies – either social­ism would extend its vic­to­ry, or exploita­tion and oppres­sion would con­tin­ue and new wars would break out. It was with this per­spec­tive that the Com­intern was found­ed in 1919, with the object of encour­ag­ing world rev­o­lu­tion. And with the Baku Con­gress of Sep­tem­ber 1920, the Bol­she­viks made a sym­bol­ic dec­la­ra­tion of their oppo­si­tion to impe­ri­al­ism and attempt­ed to lay the foun­da­tions for an orga­ni­za­tion­al expres­sion of this oppo­si­tion.

Revolution Decentered: Two Studies on Lenin | Matthieu Renault

Through the two stud­ies that fol­low, we will begin to explore Lenin’s itin­er­ary of a decol­o­niza­tion of the rev­o­lu­tion, cov­er­ing the ques­tion of nation­al self-deter­mi­na­tion and strug­gles for inde­pen­dence pri­or to 1917 as well as the imper­a­tive to decol­o­nize the Russ­ian Empire after 1917, start­ing with the case of the Mus­lim colonies of Cen­tral Asia.

The Origins of Anti-Imperial Marxism: Rediscovering the Polish Socialist Party | Eric Blanc

From its birth in 1892 onwards, the Pol­ish Social­ist Par­ty devel­oped a strat­e­gy of merg­ing work­ing-class and anti-impe­r­i­al strug­gle, pre­sag­ing an ori­en­ta­tion cham­pi­oned by the ear­ly Com­mu­nist Inter­na­tion­al and social­ist activists across Asia, Africa, and Latin Amer­i­ca through­out the 20th cen­tu­ry.

“Why We Appear”: The Brief Revival of The Anti-Imperialist Review | Fredrik Petersson

The LAI’s the­o­ret­i­cal organ The Anti-Impe­ri­al­ist Review and its edi­to­r­i­al his­to­ry rep­re­sent a con­stituent source of mil­i­tant reportage on glob­al anti-impe­ri­al­ism between the two World Wars, as well as a rig­or­ous effort to con­struct a con­cep­tu­al frame­work with­in which the inter­na­tion­al com­mu­nist move­ment could polit­i­cal­ly ana­lyze how these phe­nom­e­na were artic­u­lat­ed with­in the broad­er inter­na­tion­al rela­tions of force. The dead-ends and con­tra­dic­to­ry ide­o­log­i­cal and polit­i­cal shifts that the LAI had to nav­i­gate also point to the insur­mount­able prob­lems of the anti-impe­ri­al­ist prac­tice of Com­intern-linked orga­ni­za­tions.

Why We Appear (1931) | League Against Imperialism

In the last few years the strug­gle of the oppressed mass­es in the colo­nial and semi-colo­nial coun­tries has gained enor­mous­ly in extent and inten­si­ty. Nation­al oppres­sion in Europe exert­ed by impe­ri­al­ism through the instru­ment of the Ver­sailles Treaty is giv­ing rise to acute polit­i­cal prob­lems. The “League Against Impe­ri­al­ism,” which has been in exis­tence for more than four years as the inter­na­tion­al organ­i­sa­tion unit­ing all anti-impe­ri­al­ist forces, is faced with the need for extend­ing and inten­si­fy­ing its activ­i­ties to a cor­re­spond­ing degree.

BLACK INTERNATIONALISM

“Negro Workers, Defend the Soviet Union and the Chinese Revolution!” – The International Trade Union Committee of Negro Workers and the Political Rhetoric of The Negro Worker | Holger Weiss

The Negro Work­er sur­veyed the geo­gra­phies of colo­nial­ism and impe­ri­al­ism through the labor regimes which marked the uneven devel­op­ment of glob­al cap­i­tal­ism, and in doing so also plot­ted the dif­fer­ent tra­jec­to­ries and strate­gies of anti-colo­nial strug­gles.

Three Texts from The Negro Worker on the U.S. South | Gilbert Lewis, George Padmore, and Isaiah Hawkins

The bour­bon cap­i­tal­ists of the South have been able to main­tain their semi-feu­dal sway over the mil­lions of bru­tal­ly oppressed and bit­ter­ly exploit­ed Negro and white toil­ers sole­ly because of their abil­i­ty to keep these work­ers unor­gan­ised and divid­ed. About this the South­ern rul­ing class has no illu­sions. It knows that these work­ers and espe­cial­ly the Negro work­ers, when organ­ised under the mil­i­tant lead­er­ship of the Com­mu­nist Par­ty and the rev­o­lu­tion­ary trade unions can be but a bat­ter­ing ram for the smash­ing of the entire cap­i­tal­ist sys­tem, breed­er of all forms of eco­nom­ic, social and polit­i­cal inequal­i­ties.

Appeal to Negro Seamen and Dockers (1932) | The Negro Worker

The Inter­na­tion­al of Sea­men and Har­bour Work­ers (ISH) greets you and appeals to you to orga­nize with­in the ranks of the rev­o­lu­tion­ary water trans­port pro­le­tari­at to fight against the ter­ri­ble exploita­tion and rob­bery imposed upon you by the cap­i­tal­ists, the shipown­ers, the lighter­age com­pa­nies, as well as their white and black agents – the head­men, the steve­dore-boss­es, the fore­men and man­agers.

Marx, Du Bois, and the Black Underclass: RAM’s World Black Revolution | Bill Mullen

“World Black Rev­o­lu­tion” was a crit­i­cal exe­ge­sis, lit­er­al­ly a reimag­in­ing, of the pri­ma­ry tenets of Marx­ist thought dat­ing back to the 1848 pub­li­ca­tion of the Com­mu­nist Man­i­festo. Its authors, mem­bers of a small cadre of trained black rev­o­lu­tion­ar­ies, sought to demon­strate that every major premise of west­ern Marx­ist his­to­ri­og­ra­phy and Com­mu­nist his­to­ry had failed to address what W.E.B. Du Bois called “the col­or line.” Thus, the World Black Rev­o­lu­tion, ele­vat­ed to the lev­el of a strate­gic con­cept, aspired to define Black Pow­er as an epochal stage and inter­pre­ta­tion of world his­to­ry, a new hermeneu­tic for a revised his­tor­i­cal total­i­ty.

The World Black Revolution (1966) | Revolutionary Action Movement

All over Africa, Asia, South, Afro and Cen­tral Amer­i­ca a rev­o­lu­tion is haunt­ing and sweep­ing.

The Angolan Question (1976) | Walter Rodney

It was imme­di­ate­ly obvi­ous that there was a star­tling coin­ci­dence – a star­tling con­ver­gence – between the posi­tions of cer­tain indi­vid­u­als who call them­selves pro­gres­sive, rev­o­lu­tion­ar­ies, and who in fact regard­ed them­selves as the essence of rev­o­lu­tion – yet their posi­tions con­verged with that of U.S. impe­ri­al­ism. And this amaz­ing his­tor­i­cal con­ver­gence needs to be under­stood.