Insurrection, Oakland Style: A History

This is an unfin­ished work – a snap­shot of his­to­ry as it occurred, expe­ri­enced by me, report­ed on social media, or retold by trust­ed com­rades. It will lack the final­i­ty of hind­sight. Con­tained with­in is my account of the Oak­land Insur­rec­tion, as it has unfold­ed over the past days and weeks. Both the insur­rec­tion and this essay are works of hope. I hope that we push for­ward on the streets of Oak­land, the Bay Area, and every­where else, to the lim­it of what is pos­si­ble – beyond occu­pa­tion and the pro­posed gen­er­al strike to “total free­dom” for us all.1

#Occu­pyOak­land 

Inspired by the upris­ings across the world and fueled by the increas­ing­ly pre­car­i­ous eco­nom­ic con­di­tions across the Unit­ed States, a call­out was made for an occu­pa­tion of Wall Street. On Sep­tem­ber 17, 1000 peo­ple occu­pied the finan­cial hub of the Unit­ed States and arguably glob­al cap­i­tal­ism. With­in days, dozens of towns and cities had their own ver­sion of the #Occu­py move­ment – with vary­ing degrees of encamp­ment, protest, and orga­niz­ing space; with­in weeks, hun­dreds of cities were occu­pied; with­in a mon­th, over a thou­sand world­wide.

Oakland’s Frank Ogawa Plaza, renamed Oscar Grant Plaza by many Bay Area res­i­dents, was occu­pied on Octo­ber 10. Logis­ti­cal plan­ning start­ed a week before the occu­pa­tion date, with #Occu­pyOak­land field­ing a ful­ly func­tion­al can­teen, child­care, medic, sound, and gen­er­al assem­bly area on day one, with per­son of col­or (POC), gen­der, and queer safe spaces soon to fol­low. #Occu­pyOak­land had the same pop­ulist rhetoric regard­ing the prob­lem­at­ic “homo­ge­neous” nature of “#Occu­py…”, but pushed the “99%” cri­tique in a decid­ed­ly anti-cap­i­tal­ist direc­tion. Cou­pled with this was a dis­tinct­ly anti-police and anti-state tone that also trans­lat­ed into anti-oppres­sion orga­ni­za­tion­al forms.

On Octo­ber 21 the city of Oak­land pre­sent­ed the gen­er­al assem­bly, the offi­cial orga­niz­ing body of #Occu­pyOak­land, with a let­ter of evic­tion, cit­ing “pub­lic safe­ty.” The words of Oak­land­Com­mune, post­ed Octo­ber 19 on the Bay of Rage web­site, beau­ti­ful­ly fore­shad­ow what tran­spired on Octo­ber 25 and 26when the police made good on their threats:

Social rebels from around Oak­land have descend­ed upon Oscar Grant Plaza and have cre­at­ed a gen­uine, autonomous space free of police and unwel­com­ing to politi­cians. Where­as oth­er occu­pa­tions have invit­ed the police and politi­cians, or have nego­ti­at­ed with them, Occu­py Oak­land has carved a line in the cement. That line of demar­ca­tion says: if you pass this, if you try and break up or over shad­ow this autonomous space, you are well aware, as observed over the last cou­ple of years, what we are capa­ble of.

His­to­ry

The Bay Area’s his­to­ry of social resis­tance is well doc­u­ment­ed, and it’s impor­tant to remem­ber the con­text behind the mil­i­tan­cy seen around #Occu­pyOak­land. The gen­er­al events the­se social rebels are refer­ring to are the upris­ings and demon­stra­tions that have occurred over the past three years in the Bay Area, respond­ing to police vio­lence and “aus­ter­i­ty.”2 To under­stand the events of the past week, one must under­stand the atmos­phere in which the­se actions took place. The most rel­e­vant of the­se demon­stra­tions revolve around three sets of riots that fol­lowed the mur­der of Oscar Grant III on Jan­u­ary 1, 2009.3

One week after Oscar’s mur­der by police, Jan­u­ary 7, 2009, a ral­ly at the Fruit­vale BART sta­tion tran­si­tioned into a march that even­tu­al­ly evolved into a riot, with run­ning street fights again­st police. The action result­ed in 100 arrests and hun­dreds of thou­sands in polic­ing costs and prop­er­ty destruc­tion. Johan­nes Mehser­le, the offi­cer who killed Grant, was arrest­ed one week lat­er – a day before thou­sands marched through Oak­land, serv­ing notice to the police that their actions had con­se­quences.

A series of low and mid-inten­si­ty direct actions and march­es occurred over the next 18 months until the ver­dict day, July 8, 2010, when Mehser­le was osten­si­bly acquit­ted for mur­der and found guilty of invol­un­tary manslaugh­ter for shoot­ing an unarmed and prone Oscar Grant in the back. Police prepa­ra­tions, dubbed “Oper­a­tion Ver­dict,” were one of the largest local buildups of state and fed­er­al police forces in recent his­to­ry.4 The buildup actu­al­ly seemed to inten­si­fy pop­u­lar opin­ion again­st the police. Oper­a­tion Ver­dict not only failed to stop anoth­er riot, where hun­dreds of thou­sands of dol­lars worth of prop­er­ty was destroyed, but also failed to arrest as many demon­stra­tors as the riots of a year before.  Sen­tenc­ing day, Novem­ber 5. 2010, saw an evo­lu­tion of police tac­tics that stopped the march before it mor­phed into some­thing greater. The march was ket­tled and every­one was arrest­ed in mass, all lat­er to be released with­out charges.

Oscar Grant’s Lega­cy

I would like to rec­og­nize that Oscar Grant was a real per­son; with a daugh­ter, fam­i­ly, and friends. I would like to rec­og­nize this because the human ele­ment can get lost when we make mar­tyrs out of casu­alties. The actions around his death were liv­ing lab­o­ra­to­ries for many Bay Area res­i­dents, specif­i­cal­ly youth and polit­i­cal rad­i­cals – anar­chists, anti-author­i­tar­i­ans, and anti-cap­i­tal­ists. For some, this was the first time they had tast­ed tear gas or felt the sting of a rub­ber bul­let. The Jan­u­ary 7 riot was a hur­ried affair, with peo­ple quick­ly learn­ing how to stay togeth­er, erect makeshift bar­ri­cades, or set fires to neces­si­tate get­aways.

July 8 saw the forces of the state pre­pared and still unable to stop scores of “crews” smash­ing shop win­dows.5 Com­mu­ni­ca­tion and coor­di­na­tion appeared to improve between the var­i­ous demon­stra­tion par­tic­i­pants. Masks were worn and code names used. It was appar­ent that even just a few “bat­tle hours” dra­mat­i­cal­ly increased a collectivity’s “street” effec­tive­ness, i.e. the abil­i­ty to cre­ate social unrest and get away with it. Through the­se events, it was revealed that street demon­stra­tions, with riots in par­tic­u­lar, did have an effect on, if not pub­lic pol­i­cy, then at least civic dis­course.

There were fail­ures as well. Media and state forces con­spired to cre­ate the con­cept of the “out­side agi­ta­tor” – the anar­chist from afar whose only pur­pose was to smash. The actions of prop­er­ty destruc­tion seemed to over­shad­ow the con­text in which they were used. The tac­tic itself was the per­fect expres­sion of the pow­er­less­ness that peo­ple felt in demand­ing, from an unjust state, some sort of “jus­tice.” It was an action of tantrum, say­ing, “in this protest zone, in this space of social rup­ture, I only have the abil­i­ty to destroy.” A state­ment like that, while uni­fy­ing for the par­tic­i­pants with­in that instant of “social rup­ture,” has lit­tle to no orga­niz­ing poten­tial. And so the move­ment went from active con­flict to his­to­ry. Its steam and momen­tum were lost. How­ev­er, with its pass­ing came a time of tac­ti­cal and strate­gic reflec­tion, the results of which were prac­ticed on the streets of Oak­land under the ban­ner of #Occu­py only a week ago.

Anar­chists

The efforts and effects of the anar­chist tra­di­tion in the Bay Area can­not be ignored, nei­ther in the case of Oscar Grant nor #Occu­pyOak­land. There are hun­dreds of anar­chists active in “street lev­el” actions; hun­dreds more work­ing in var­i­ous cor­po­rate, non-prof­it, alter­na­tive, and oth­er indus­tries that bring mon­ey, logis­ti­cal sup­port, and expe­ri­ence when need­ed; and hun­dreds still who are engaged in their own projects, com­mu­ni­ties, and build­ing fam­i­lies.

The pres­ence of such a high con­cen­tra­tion of anar­chists at rad­i­cal or poten­tial­ly explo­sive demon­stra­tions has influ­enced how peo­ple protest. To be sure, not every per­son at a demo is an anar­chist, far from it, but many have adopt­ed anar­chist prac­tice. Mask­ing up, wear­ing black, and work­ing in teams has cre­at­ed a safer and more dis­ci­plined force. The atten­dance of anar­chist street medics, pro­pa­gan­dists, and expe­ri­enced street fight­ers adds a lev­el of infra­struc­tural and logis­ti­cal sup­port that makes actions on the streets feel sup­port­ed and embold­ened. Tra­di­tion­al­ly orga­niz­ing on egal­i­tar­i­an and non-hier­ar­chi­cal planes, as well as a famil­iar­i­ty with con­sen­sus process, have facil­i­tat­ed the cre­ation of a strong gen­er­al assem­bly. The cre­ation of sol­i­dar­i­ty groups for those arrest­ed at actions, and access to the legal net­work that years of Bay Area activism cre­at­ed has been key in move­ment pro­gress. In both social move­ments the anar­chist pres­ence has been an impor­tant, though by far not the only, ele­ment to any suc­cess.

This is not to say that an anar­chist pres­ence in the Bay Area has not had its trou­bles in recent years. The attempt by the state to brand anar­chists as “out­siders” failed in the buildup of Oper­a­tion Ver­dict, but did high­light racial and class issues that peo­ple are still con­fronting. Fur­ther­more there was a suc­cess­ful attempt to brand anar­chists has vio­lent, although this was just one more step in a process dat­ing back hun­dreds of years to rede­fine “anar­chism” in the neg­a­tive. Still, the only con­tact that many peo­ple have had with anar­chists is the images pre­sent­ed by the media of “black-clad hooli­gans destroy­ing things.” The insur­rec­tionary anar­chist cur­rent that is alive with­in the Bay has showed itself as a trend of attack, secu­ri­ty cul­ture, and tightknit net­works. In the past it was inward focus­ing and only sur­faced in times of action, although the pres­ence of many insur­rec­tion­ists at the gen­er­al assem­blies and their use of vio­lence in a form dif­fer­ent from that of prop­er­ty destruc­tion does give cre­dence to the idea that this trend is matur­ing.

Insur­rec­tion and Strike

Through­out the week, prepa­ra­tions were made with­in the #Occu­pyOak­land space for arrival of police enforc­ing the evic­tion notices. The plan was to con­struct and defend bar­ri­cades to keep the Oak­land Police Depart­ment (OPD) out for as long as pos­si­ble. Over the past two weeks, the police made only a hand­ful of incur­sions into the autonomous space. The respon­se by those camped was always force­ful yet dis­ci­plined, with the dis­tilled mes­sage being: “get out!” As a result there was lit­tle wor­ry about the ques­tion of “when” “they” would come. “They will come when they do,” one camper told me with a shrug the night before the evic­tion. On Tues­day Octo­ber 25, at 4:30 AM, hun­dreds of riot police from over a dozen dif­fer­ent agen­cies descend­ed upon the camp. After call­ing a dis­per­sal order, police wait­ed for five min­utes before throw­ing con­cus­sion grenades, launch­ing tear gas, fir­ing pep­per and rub­ber bul­lets, and hit­ting peo­ple with batons. The night con­clud­ed with around 80 arrests and some seri­ous injuries.

A call out was made for 4 PM the same day to meet at the Oak­land Library for a march to Oscar Grant (OG) Plaza. A diverse crowd of over 1500 peo­ple arrived. They marched around Oak­land, swelling in num­bers as peo­ple came into the streets. The police attacked with gas, less-than-lethal rounds, and batons. Demon­stra­tors respond­ed with bot­tles and paint bal­loons. Police snatch squads grabbed and beat pro­tes­tors in full view of the crowd, with a hand­ful hav­ing to be tak­en to the emer­gen­cy room.6 The march con­tin­ued to OG Plaza where lines of riot police stood behind met­al bar­ri­cades block­ing all pos­si­ble entrances. A stand­off ensued.

At rough­ly 8:30 PM a crowd of 500 assem­bled at 14 and Broad­way. After repeat­ed warn­ings the police attacked. The gas attack was the worst of the day. Injured pro­test­ers lit­tered the inter­sec­tion, includ­ing Scott Olson, two-tour Marine vet­er­an, who took a tear­gas can­is­ter to the head. Oth­ers were blind­ed and chok­ing on the gas. Numer­ous burn vic­tims from the gas can­is­ters ran for cov­er; at least one of them need­ed plas­tic surgery on her foot. The crowd recom­posed with­in min­utes, play­ing cat and mouse with the police, ral­ly­ing and tak­ing the streets out­side the bar­ri­cades, flee­ing from police attacks only to form again.

The chat­ter of excite­ment and anger was easy to under­stand. Groups of peo­ple were swap­ping sto­ries from the days events. The gas was loos­ing its fear effect; the­se crowds were not dis­pers­ing. Teenagers were laugh­ing at each other’s snot and tear-soaked faces. Old­er peo­ple were talk­ing about the 1960s; “gas nowa­days seems more potent,” they said. Anar­chist and oth­er rad­i­cal medics were help­ing gas vic­tims. By about 10 PM it was obvi­ous that even though the group had failed to retake the plaza, they had in fact won two impor­tant vic­to­ries. #Occu­pyOak­land was effec­tive­ly in con­trol of all of down­town Oak­land save OG Plaza. Or, to put it dif­fer­ent­ly, the police had lost the ini­tia­tive: they had lost their mobil­i­ty and the abil­i­ty to dic­tate terms out­side the range of their weapons. By con­trol­ling the plaza they abdi­cat­ed con­trol of the rest of down­town Oak­land to the occu­piers. Declar­ing vic­to­ry on the ground, the hun­dreds of occu­piers began to dis­perse to ready them­selves for the next day.

The sec­ond vic­to­ry was not seen until the next day, when media out­lets had no choice but to broad­cast images of the night’s insur­rec­tion. Grab­bing the media’s atten­tion as well was the griev­ous injury to Scott Olson. Sur­viv­ing two tours in Iraq to come home and be shot by OPD sealed the police’s fate in the realm of pub­lic opin­ion. Not only had #Occu­pyOak­land suc­ceed­ed in con­trol­ling the streets, they had also won over hearts and minds. As of this writ­ing it looks as though Scott will recov­er and not become a mar­tyr for any cause, just anoth­er vic­tim of police bru­tal­i­ty.

A gen­er­al assem­bly was called for 6 PM on Octo­ber 26. The police were nowhere in sight, but some report­ed that they were mass­ing at a near­by park­ing garage. They were nev­er to mobi­lize in any show of force. Bike patrols were pass­ing back infor­ma­tion, and a gen­er­al feel­ing of safe­ty per­me­at­ed the camp. The met­al fence that had been set up by the city was tak­en down, and once again the plaza was in the hands of #Occu­pyOak­land. A pro­pos­al was sub­mit­ted for a gen­er­al strike in Oak­land on Novem­ber 2. The pro­pos­al passed by 96.9%; 1484 votes for to 77 again­st, with 47 absten­tions, more than enough in Oakland’s mod­i­fied con­sen­sus of 90% for the pro­pos­al to pass.

After the vote, 2000 peo­ple attempt­ed to march for the down­town Oak­land BART sta­tion to trav­el to San Fran­cis­co, where it was report­ed that the SF occu­pa­tion was to be attacked by SFPD. The sta­tion was closed by BART offi­cials, so the 2000-strong group marched through Oak­land, stop­ping once at the OPD head­quar­ters to yell at the police, once at the Oak­land jail chant­i­ng in sup­port of those incar­cer­at­ed, and once under a free­way over­pass, to dis­cuss whether the group should cross the Oakland/Bay bridge to sup­port #Occu­pySF. The march decid­ed to retake OG Plaza instead.

A tru­ly star­tling real­iza­tion emerged among many of the anar­chists present at the gen­er­al assem­bly. As thou­sands of peo­ple dis­cussed the gen­er­al strike pro­pos­al, oth­ers were cir­cu­lat­ing and inter­min­gling, talk­ing about the vic­to­ry of the night before. A major the­me of the dis­cus­sion was the fact that so much had been gained with­out resort­ing to prop­er­ty destruc­tion. A tac­it under­stand­ing devel­oped amongst many of the rad­i­cals that no one was going to phys­i­cal­ly stop any of the “wreck­ing crews” from smash­ing win­dows, but peo­ple under­stood that much of the pre­vi­ous night’s vic­to­ry could be attrib­ut­ed to the images of police vio­lence again­st pro­tes­tors and the coun­ter-vio­lence of pro­tes­tors again­st the police. If there is an insur­rec­tionary imper­a­tive to attack the state, that idea seemed to gain sup­port, at least among those in the gen­er­al pub­lic who watched the live stream. The march on Octo­ber 25 showed how the pro­tes­tors had done due dili­gence in their attempt to remain “peace­ful”; they respond­ed to police vio­lence with defen­sive force, instead of the less under­stood (and less direct) tac­tic of attack­ing prop­er­ty. A vio­lence of low-inten­si­ty self-defense actu­al­ly gained #Occu­pyOak­land inter­na­tion­al sup­port.

Lessons Learned

In the OG Plaza riots, the impo­tent vio­lence that result­ed in Mehserle’s arrest also doomed the move­ment to remain mar­gin­al. Peo­ple have many unre­solved issues with prop­er­ty destruc­tion. It is my pre­sump­tion that those in com­mand of the police forces on the night of the Octo­ber 25 expect­ed to see pro­test­er-ini­ti­at­ed prop­er­ty destruc­tion. Bro­ken win­dows have the pow­er to retroac­tive­ly ratio­nal­ize the use of police vio­lence. The destruc­tion of the camp and the attack on the march would sud­den­ly seem under­stand­able once the night­ly news flashed images of bro­ken glass.  Unfor­tu­nate­ly for police com­mand, the rad­i­cal and urban #Occu­pyOak­lan­ders did not fall into their trap. There was no need; con­fronting OPD and Alameda Sheriff’s Depart­ment was enough.

There was a very real feel­ing that if the OPD had changed its tac­tics on the night of Octo­ber 25, and – instead of hold­ing posi­tions and gassing pro­tes­tors – went in for arrests, the police might have start­ed a fight that they were not pre­pared to win. There were rough­ly equal num­ber of police and #Occu­pyOak­lan­ders, around 500 each, but the police were spread out, cov­er­ing the perime­ter of OG Plaza, while the demon­stra­tors were able to focus all their num­bers in one loca­tion. Even more impres­sive is that on the night of Octo­ber 26, with the police lack­ing the author­i­ty to act in respon­se to #OccupyOakland’s retak­ing of OG Plaza, the occu­piers were able to push the police out of their autonomous zone and defend it. This cohe­sion and the strength of will it pro­duced is a direct result of the reflec­tions, lessons, and tac­ti­cal con­sid­er­a­tions that grew from the OG riots. Those ini­ti­at­ing con­fronta­tions with police did so with dis­ci­pline, and, dare I say it, style.

There has been a lot of talk about a lack of demands as a weak­ness of the #Occu­py move­ments. I hear their demands loud and clear. The cri­tique of cap­i­tal­ism, oppo­si­tion to state pow­er, clear revul­sion towards the police, rede­f­i­n­i­tion of social and pow­er rela­tions, inde­pen­dent orga­ni­za­tion, coop­er­a­tion, and the attempt to recon­fig­ure our exist­ing world into one that is healthy for all; the­se are demands that are being made by those occu­py­ing. The idea from the begin­ning was to cre­ate. In acts of cre­ation pow­er is returned. We have held our ground, defend­ed a space that is our own. Now we are orga­niz­ing not just for our­selves but also for oth­ers. A gen­er­al strike will occur. The next ques­tion is clear: what oth­er cities will fol­low?

See you in the streets.


1. This phrase appeared on a mas­sive ban­ner by a con­tin­gent of Greek anar­chists at the 2009 G-20 in Ger­many. While not explic­it­ly Insur­rec­tion­ist, the Greek anar­chist ten­den­cy of spec­tac­u­lar street bat­tles has become syn­ony­mous with the Insur­rec­tionary Anar­chist milieu that has dom­i­nat­ed North Amer­i­can dis­course in recent years.

2. For an amaz­ing col­lec­tion of news sto­ries dat­ing back over 10 years, see indybay.org.

3. The first mur­der of 2009 was com­mit­ted by a police offi­cer again­st an unarmed per­son of col­or.

4. It is also impor­tant to note that the Nation­al Guard was mobi­lized.

5. One could also use the term “affin­i­ty group,” but an affin­i­ty group is an express­ly polit­i­cal form of self orga­ni­za­tion that may not nec­es­sar­i­ly apply to all those who ran togeth­er that night.

6. It is impor­tant to point out that the police were not the only per­pe­tra­tors of vio­lence that evening. One arrestee was punched, elbowed and pushed to the ground by an Oak­land fire depart­ment mem­ber who also made deroga­to­ry sex­u­al and racial com­ments towards him. Lat­er in sher­iff cus­tody at the coun­ty jail he was beat­en by at least four cor­rec­tion­al offi­cers.

Author of the article

is a graduate student at UC-Santa Cruz, and an organizer in the Bay Area. A native Californian, he has been involved in radical politics since refusing deployment to Iraq and Afghanistan in 2002. Comments can be sent to anewhope AT riseup.net

11 Responses

  1. On Oakland: A port shuts down, new possibilities open up | Cautiously pessimistic

    […] on the day’s events, some local anar­chists made the­se obser­va­tions imme­di­ate­ly before the strike, this piece from View­point Mag­a­zine gives a bit of con­text on the back­ground to the strike, here’s the write-up from the Occu­py Oak­land main site, the Com­mune have an eye­wit­ness report, […]

  2. CrimethInc. Far East Blog » Oakland General Strike Footage

    […] is a mere snap­shot of the events unfold­ing around Occu­py Oak­land, which are still ongo­ing; much remains to be dis­cussed and debat­ed. We’ll present more […]

  3. Two, Three, Many Oaklands? « Viewpoint Magazine

    […] be per­func­to­ri­ly applied in anoth­er. Philadel­phia is not Oak­land. In Oak­land, we are deal­ing with a unique his­to­ry that stretch­es from the 1946 Gen­er­al Strike to the Black Pan­thers to the Oscar […]

  4. New CrimethInc video: From the Oakland Commune «

    […] is a mere snap­shot of the events unfold­ing around Occu­py Oak­land, which are still ongo­ing; much remains to be dis­cussed and debat­ed. We’ll present more mate­ri­al […]

  5. Oh Occupy… at least Oakland is getting it right | Sprout Anarchist Collective

    […] anti-police, and anti-state character—something that hasn’t always hap­pened else­where. From the ini­tial orga­niz­ing to fight­ing the evic­tion of the occu­pa­tion and to last week’s Gen­er­al Strike, Occu­py Oak­land […]

  6. Attack the System » Blog Archive » New Anarchist Collective and Distro in Grand Rapids, Michigan skeptical of the Occupy Movement

    […] anti-police, and anti-state character—something that hasn’t always hap­pened else­where. From the ini­tial orga­niz­ing to fight­ing the evic­tion of the occu­pa­tion and to last week’s Gen­er­al Strike, Occu­py Oak­land […]

  7. Building the Red Army: The Death and Forbidden Rebirth of the Oakland Commune « Viewpoint Magazine

    […] which allow the cap­i­tal­ist class to exer­cise social pow­er. In Oak­land their repres­sion was used to evict an encamp­ment which threat­ened to bring pub­lic space under pro­le­tar­i­an con­trol, and to dri­ve out an […]

  8. The Death & Forbidden Rebirth of the Oakland Commune « Kasama

    […] which allow the cap­i­tal­ist class to exer­cise social pow­er. In Oak­land their repres­sion was used to evict an encamp­ment which threat­ened to bring pub­lic space under pro­le­tar­i­an con­trol, and to dri­ve out an […]

  9. The Death & Forbidden Rebirth of the Oakland Commune | Revolt Lab

    […] which allow the cap­i­tal­ist class to exer­cise social pow­er. In Oak­land their repres­sion was used to evict an encamp­ment which threat­ened to bring pub­lic space under pro­le­tar­i­an con­trol, and to dri­ve out an […]

  10. Oakland General Strike Footage | CrimethInc. Far East Blog

    […] is a mere snap­shot of the events unfold­ing around Occu­py Oak­land, which are still ongo­ing; much remains to be dis­cussed and debat­ed. We’ll present more […]

  11. New CrimethInc video: From the Oakland Commune « subMedia

    […] is a mere snap­shot of the events unfold­ing around Occu­py Oak­land, which are still ongo­ing; much remains to be dis­cussed and debat­ed. We’ll present more mate­ri­al […]

Comments are closed.